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Government Printing Office, Errata slip inserted at p. American Occupation of the Philippine Island: Front wrapper chipped at corners, spine ends chipped, otherwise contents very good. Kaaterskill Books namus [Books from Kaaterskill Books]. Trujillo La Libertad, Peru -- History. Book, A very nice copy. There seems to be a problem serving the request at this time. Skip to main content. In Acceptable Condition with Moderate shelf wear and Severe creasing on spine and covers Still readable.
New Impression List Price: Will be clean, not soiled or stained. All used books sold by Book Fountain. At The Nile, if you're looking for it, we've got it. You Get What You See. We Make a Difference. Local pick up is available. The Sleepy Bear Books Difference. In so doing, they laid the foundation for the professionalization of deaf education. As a linguist, I am especially interested in the deaf community and its visual spatial language, and I am persuaded that its members are best regarded as a linguistic minority who are handicapped only when they are educated in a mode that is to them inaccessible, namely, oral language.
Although the work at hand is historical, and although the group under consideration is the Spanish deaf community, the questions raised here apply to other minority communities as well, and they could hardly be of greater contemporary relevance, for at issue are the rights of minority communities, their place in the larger society, and ultimately, our tolerance for human diversity and linguistic and cultural pluralism. The premise underlying this study—that deaf people are a linguistic minority—applies to those deaf persons who are members of the deaf community. For hearing people who lose their hearing, deafness can be a tragedy, but for members of the deaf community, it is simply a way of life.
Such individuals resemble members of other minorities, specifically, other linguistic minorities, in important ways.
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Thus, like speakers of Spain's other minority languages—Catalan, Basque, or Galician—deaf Spaniards have a common history and a common cultural heritage. For above all, deaf people are united by their use of a common language, a visual manual system of communication uniquely suited to their needs.
That language plays a central role in the identity of linguistic minorities is widely acknowledged and accepted in Spain today. Galicians' greatest and most original collective creation, the real spiritual force that gives internal unity to our community," a "legacy of identity" linking Galicia's past, present, and future.
While this work looks upon the deaf community as a linguistic minority, this is not the prevailing view. Instead, deaf people today—in Spain as elsewhere—are most commonly regarded from the perspective of the so-called medical, or infirmity, model, which considers them as incomplete hearing people, diseased or disabled versions of their hearing counterparts, and brands them as deficient, deviant, and above all, in need of a cure.
But if the infirmity model is inappropriate, evidence of it is nevertheless everywhere. At a symposium held in Barcelona in September and organized by that city's Centre Recreatiu Cultural de Sords, for example, a hearing representative from the mayor's office boasted of the municipality's efforts to make Barcelona more accessible to the handicapped and pointed with pride to the wheelchair ramps already installed on many street corners.
Deaf people in attendance greeted the news with polite indifference, however, for their frame of reference was entirely distinct. They consider themselves members of a linguistic minority, and instead of wheelchair ramps, they want recognition of Spanish Sign Language as one of the nation's official tongues. Through its failure to recognize the deaf community as a linguistic minority, the infirmity model of deafness portrays deaf people's use of sign language and their penchant for the company of others like themselves as an inability to integrate into the society of the hearing majority.
Yet when speakers of minority tongues, for instance Galicians or Basques, fraternize with others who speak their language, such behavior is viewed as understandable and natural. If members of linguistic minorities prefer to associate at least part of the time with persons who share their language rather than with the Castilian-speaking majority, it is their right to do so.
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By the same token, if members of the signing community prefer to associate at least part of the time with persons who. The medical model, the view of deafness as pathology, often goes along with the mistaken notion that sign languages are but crude pantomime, mere gesture systems at best, primitive, concrete—in other words, not really language at all.
Neurological evidence corroborates the linguists' findings, for signed and spoken languages alike are processed in the left hemisphere of the brain, the area that is biologically specialized for this function. Language is not speech, however, but rather, a mental representation that relates words—or signs—to meanings. It follows that speech is just one of the possible manifestations of language; manual signs are another. Nevertheless, their teachers did not seem to consider signed communication to be a manifestation of language at all, most likely because what they really had in mind was speech, and it was in spoken Spanish that they attempted to carry out classroom instruction.
Harlan Lane, in his landmark book When the mind hears, posed the question, "Why do we hearing people consider the deaf disabled, defective? Why do we and our institutions class them not with groups such as Spanish-speaking Americans but with groups such as blind Americans? What if deaf Spaniards were considered not as disabled, but as yet another of Spain's linguistic minorities?
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We can best answer this question by first considering the situation of speakers of Spain's minority tongues. Most of these languages date from the second century B. The Latin spoken there varied considerably from region to region, however, owing in part to the substratum influence of languages in use before the Romans' arrival; over time, the distinct varieties of Latin diverged even more, eventually leading to the development of different Romance languages. Among the languages that antedate the Roman occupation, only Basque, a non-Indo-European tongue of uncertain origin, survives today; it can be heard in the Basque Country and Navarre.
Of the languages derived from the Latin taken to Spain, the principal contemporary survivors are Catalan, spoken with regional variations in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, Galician, spoken in Galicia, and Castilian, the nation's official tongue, which has come to be known as Spanish see the map of Spain's autonomous communities. Castilian first arose in northcentral Spain; its steady expansion at the expense of the other languages of the peninsula dates from the time of the Reconquest — , in which the kingdom of Castile played a leading role in expelling Moorish invaders from North Africa.
With the marriage of the Catholic monarchs, King Ferdinand of Aragon and Queen Isabel of Castile, there began a process of unification of the territories that would eventually make up Spain, and in this process Castilian was destined to become the dominant language. In the seventeenth century the pursuit of political unification became more explicit, as Spain sought to become a nation in the modern sense of the word.
This intent was clearly stated by the count duke of Olivares, who counseled Felipe IV, "The most important undertaking of your monarchy must be to become king of Spain," adding, "Your Grace must not be content to be king of Portugal, Aragon, and Valencia, and count of Barcelona, but rather, you must work and think with mature and secret counsel to bring these kingdoms of which Spain is composed under the customs and laws of Castile, with no difference among them. Although Spain's minority languages continued to exist—albeit more often in rural areas than in the cities, more often among the humbler classes than among the well-to-do, and almost exclusively in oral, rather than written, form—it seemed only a matter of time before they would entirely disappear.
The minority languages managed to avoid extinction, however, and emerged with renewed vitality when movements of linguistic recuperation, born of European romanticism, arose around the middle of the nineteenth century. In the Basque Country a radical brand of nationalism appeared, and in Catalonia and Galicia a literary renaissance gave rise to nationalist sentiments, which in the case of Catalonia were transported to the political arena as well.
Under Spain's Second Republic, which was proclaimed in , these regions would be granted statutes of autonomy providing for considerable self-government, and in Catalonia, Catalan was made the official language of government. In a fascist uprising led by General Francisco Franco ushered in the Spanish civil war. Under the ensuing dictatorship, regionalism in any form was persecuted, and the minority languages were systematically repressed.
Castilian, now cast as a symbol of national unity, was made the "sole" language of Spain, the only one permitted in public acts, whether official or nonofficial. The minority languages no longer appeared in published works, nor were they heard on the radio; they could not be used in religious ceremonies or as a medium of instruction, and they could not be taught.
For good measure, in Catalonia a government-sponsored slogan appeared everywhere to urge recalcitrant Catalans, "If you are Spanish, speak the language of the Empire," while signs in public telephone booths there listed the languages in which callers could converse among them Castilian, French, English , pointedly omitting any mention of the minority tongues and stating that calls in languages not specifically mentioned would be cut off. Not surprisingly, resistance to these policies of linguistic repression was greatest in regions where languages other than Castilian were used most.
The minority languages continued to be spoken in private, but. Government policies toward these languages eventually softened, and opposition movements in time led to the use of Catalan, Galician, and to a lesser extent Basque, in published works and in public acts. Promotion of the minority languages gradually became linked to opposition to the dictatorship, and as these tongues were converted into symbols of resistance, opposition to the dictatorship in turn became linked to their support, even in those regions where only Castilian was normally spoken.
The most important result of Franco's policy of linguistic unification, then, proved to be the "boomerang effect," for a correlation was established between the struggle for democracy, on the one hand, and the defense of the minority languages, on the other.
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In the transition period following Franco's death, the democratic forces agreed that the demands of Spain's "historic nationalities," now associated with opposition to the dictatorship, should be met, and that entailed granting these regions at least the degree of autonomy they had held—albeit briefly—under the republic. Post-Franco Spain is now divided into seventeen autonomous regions, or communities, and the constitution, while affirming the "indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation," also recognizes and guarantees the right to autonomy to the nationalities and regions that compose it.
Moreover, the constitution enshrines Spaniards' linguistic diversity, referring to "the richness of Spain's linguistic modalities" as a "cultural patrimony that shall be the object of special respect and protection. Communities with their own languages have passed legislation intended to. Children have the right to receive their primary education in their mother tongue, and the teaching of the autonomous communities' respective languages is compulsory at all levels of primary and secondary instruction, with the goal of competency in both Castilian and the co-official language to be achieved by the end of schooling.
Clearly, then, for Spaniards who hear and speak, linguistic and cultural pluralism is now a fact of life, and it is understood that the "indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation" need not imply linguistic homogeneity. Returning now to the question of what recognition of the deaf community as a linguistic minority would imply, plainly it would entail the extension of the linguistic rights of the hearing majority to the deaf minority.
The present situation of deaf signers contrasts sharply with that of speakers of minority tongues, however. Although by conservative estimates users of Spanish Sign Language are some ten thousand strong, outnumbering speakers of Aranese by more than three to one, legislative protection against linguistic discrimination does not apply to these citizens, for unlike their hearing counterparts, they are guaranteed neither the right to know and use the language of their community, nor the right to be instructed in their primary tongue.
Thus, while Spaniards who were once exhorted to speak solely in the "language of the empire," Castilian, are now free to use their minority tongues, deaf people do not yet have the same right. Spain may be no different from many other nations in its view of deaf people as handicapped, yet Spain's tolerance of linguistic and cultural diversity makes the situation of its deaf community especially interesting, for if a change of consciousness with respect to deaf people were.
The question, then, is whether Spain will be able to embrace the deaf community there on its own terms, as yet another linguistic group, or whether it will continue to impose on them the infirmity model. Just how far can this nation's respect for linguistic and cultural diversity extend?
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